What Makes an Economy
World-Class?
A world-class economy, as I understand the term, is an economy
that successfully competes at the international level. I doubt
whether there are many places in this nation that have as clear a
perspective on the world economy as does northeast Ohio.
One-quarter of the nation's manufacturing output is produced in an
area that lies within a half day's drive from Cleveland. The
region generates more than 40 percent of the nation's
transportation equipment, 30 percent of its industrial machinery,
and 44 percent of its metals--industries that make up an important
part of the nation's re-energized trade sector. Consider that
Ohioans exported more than $2,200 in merchandise per person in
1997. About one in four dollars of metalworking machinery
production, of which this region is a major contributor, was
exported. Steel mill producers in Ohio--another of your
revitalized industries--have more than doubled their export
volumes since the mid-1980s. And in the transportation equipment
industry, the foreign-owned Honda assembly plant in Marysville,
Ohio, which produced roughly one-half million cars in 1998, is the
largest automobile assembly plant in North America.
Today, I would like to offer
some observations, from the perspective of a policymaker, on the
events that have already transformed much of the national and
regional economies and that are continuing to reshape business
around the globe. Specifically, I want to reflect on the changing
role of economic policy in our current environment of rapidly
improving communications and expanding markets. To sustain the
gains that this region and other regions have made in the past
decade and to best ensure our continued global competitiveness, we
need to fashion economic policy that, above all else, helps to
facilitate communication through efficient and effective markets.
Recent Economic Developments
The national economy is enjoying an impressive period of
prosperity. National income, after adjusting for inflation, has
grown about one-third since 1991--or by about 3� percent per
year. U.S. joblessness has fallen to a level not seen in thirty
years, and wealth is being created at a pace rarely seen.
Growth in this region has been
even more impressive. On a per capita basis, Ohioans have seen 5
percent more income growth than the nation during the past eight
years. Economic strength is also reflected in local labor market
indicators. After many years of subpar performance, and occasional
periods of outright decline, the net growth of jobs in the region
has kept pace with the exceptional U.S. average. Even more telling
has been the remarkable pattern of the local unemployment rate.
After averaging more than 1 percentage point above the national
average in the 1980s, joblessness in the Cleveland area fell under
the U.S. average in 1990 and has remained at, or below, the
national benchmark every year since.
The recent prosperity of the
region reverses the previous twelve-year period of economic
decline relative to the nation in a rather dramatic way. This
decline, not so flatteringly referred to by some as the
"rust-bowl era," took its toll on labor and business
alike. After peaking in the early 1970s, the population of the six
county area surrounding and including Cuyahoga County declined
annually for nearly two straight decades. But since 1990, more
families have been arriving than leaving, which can be due only to
this area's rejuvenated economy.
What accounts for this
remarkable reversal in economic fortune? As I have said recently,
on the national level, and in this region as well, the dominant
force of late appears to have been a significant upshift in the
rate of productivity growth. Having increased 1.6 percent per year
from 1990 to 1995, output per hour in the nonfarm business
sector--a conventional measure of productivity--has risen at an
annual pace of about 2.6 percent since 1995. Cyclical forces--such
as the inability of businesses to add to their payrolls as rapidly
as they would have liked in response to the rise in demand--have
probably played some role in these efficiency gains. But I suspect
that longer-term, structural changes, reflecting the boom in
capital spending and the revolution in information technology,
probably have been more important. Through this increase in
productivity, our national economy has successfully prepared
itself to take advantage of the rapid globalization that has
characterized the current economic expansion.
While private decisions rightly
deserve primacy in any discussion of the current economic climate,
they were taken against the backdrop of important policy
decisions. I believe that this productivity increase might not
have occurred were it not for the policy adjustments that were
made starting in the late 1970s and continuing even today.
Furthermore, the opening of many nations' economies to our goods
and services reflects, in my judgment, the fact that the world's
policymakers have, in general, abandoned the economic policies
that were found to be counterproductive. In the end, free trade,
deregulation, sound fiscal policy, and sound monetary policy have
all played a role in the strength of the U.S. economy. These same
factors are emerging as equally important in other economies.
Economic Prosperity, Trade,
and Global Integration
In economics, nothing is more fundamental than trade. Trade allows
us individually, and as a nation, to devote our scarce resources
to their most advantageous uses and then exchange our products
with others to satisfy our diverse preferences. This process
allows specialization, and it is what gives rise to the existence
of markets. The lifeblood of trade is communication. Communication
allows us to find the most profitable outlets for our products and
suppliers for our needs and wants. The greater our capacity to
communicate, the greater our ability to specialize, the broader
our expanse of markets, and the more prosperous we become. These
are not new ideas. They have been our understanding of how nations
become wealthy since being described by Adam Smith more than two
hundred years ago.
Today, we are experiencing a
great technological revolution--a communications revolution. The
proliferation of microprocessors and other innovations of the past
several decades has dramatically lowered the costs of getting and
transmitting information. Predictably, the new communications
technology has brought with it a growth of new markets. This great
expansion of markets has allowed the U.S. economy to improve its
allocation of resources by shifting them to their most
internationally competitive uses. It also seems probable that
these new communications technologies have brought greater
openness in global markets by helping us to break down the complex
and unproductive network of artificial trade barriers that
characterized much of the previous century.
The role of international trade
and finance in bringing renewed prosperity in the past decade to
the economy of Ohio is noteworthy. From 1987 to 1997, Ohio's
exports grew 60 percent faster than exports overall in the United
States--and U.S. export growth was very strong indeed. By 1997,
the state had jumped from being the eleventh highest export state
to being the seventh. And in 1996, the Cleveland area ranked
twenty-third in the top seventy export communities in the nation.
This region's influence in the
world economy appears to be still growing as its capital base
expands. Data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census indicate that,
between 1982 and 1996, the amount of new capital added in Ohio
industry grew as a share of all U.S. capital additions.
Specifically, while U.S. industry was adding about 4� percent per
year to its stock of industrial capital, Ohio was adding capital
to its industry at a 5 percent clip.
In 1998 and 1999, slightly more
than 2,100 new major projects were begun in Ohio, which puts the
state among the top five states in attracting and expanding
business. Moreover, about 6 percent of these business expansions
were financed by foreign investors, of which slightly more than
one-third were Asian investors and about one-half were European.
The Ohio Department of Development estimates that 851
foreign-owned corporations provided only slightly less than one in
twenty jobs in the state last year. Almost 75 percent of the
foreign establishments were in the manufacturing sector, where
trade opportunities have been the greatest. And the single largest
regional concentration of foreign-owned businesses in the state
was in Cuyahoga County, with 145 establishments.
What has this investment
wrought? Today, output per hour in the region's manufacturing
sector is hardly reminiscent of the economy of fifteen years ago.
In industrial machinery manufacturing, for example, new capital
expenditures almost doubled between 1987 and 1996, well in excess
of the national average. At the same time, the productivity of
Ohio industrial machinery workers jumped from more than 10 percent
below the national average to more than 10 percent above the
national average. This story can be repeated for a number of
industries throughout the region.
The Cost of Growth
Economic transformation has not
come without cost. Between 1977 and 1987, U.S. industry reduced
production jobs in manufacturing by 1.4 million workers. More than
200,000--or 15 percent--of those jobs were in Ohio. Of those job
losses, over half were centered in two industries--primary metals
manufacturing and industrial machinery manufacturing--each losing
more than 50,000 jobs over the decade.
In fact, the region's new
competitiveness could probably not have occurred were it not for
the dramatic changes this area's economy experienced in the 1980s.
Is economic progress possible that does not make obsolete the
methods and practices of the earlier, less efficient economy? In
his 1950 book Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy,
economist Joseph Schumpeter described capitalism as a system
"that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from
within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a
new one." Schumpeter saw that economies continually bounce
from one growth path to another, all the time remaking themselves.
He coined the phrase "creative destruction" to describe
this process.
Simply put, economies are
constantly under competitive pressure to re-invent themselves. As
they move toward higher levels of productivity, they necessarily
make other production technologies obsolete. Schumpeter cautioned
that economic policymakers who fail to appreciate the relationship
between the relentless churning of the competitive environment and
wealth creation will end up focusing their efforts on the methods
and skills that are in decline. In so doing, they establish
policies that are aimed at protecting weak, outdated technologies,
and in the end, they slow the economy's march forward.
In retrospect, we can tell that
some economic policies of the past century have inadvertently, or
in some cases intentionally, done just that. They have had the
effect of directing or misdirecting economic growth by either
substituting policymakers' judgment regarding the distribution of
an economy's assets for the combined wisdom of individuals or
allowing markets to send false signals. In the long run, such
policies were destined to fail.
The Economic Policies of the
Last Century
A very broad reading of economic history reveals that policymakers
in many countries during the last century attempted to manipulate
trade and other forms of economic activity by altering,
artificially, the measures of value, that is, prices. One
such policy followed by some countries during the last century was
known as the "beggar thy neighbor" policy, the
manipulation of the exchange rate in order to boost a country's
exports. Trade restrictions were also often used to protect
domestic industries from imports. A final example from the
international sphere is the system of global fixed exchange rates
that emerged following the Second World War. To blunt market
forces, fixed exchange rates were usually accompanied by capital
controls that tried to manage the inflows--and more importantly
the outflows--of a nation's investment funds. Ultimately, this
system of global fixed exchange rates worked poorly and could not
withstand the market forces that emerged in the 1970s.
In a similar spirit, some
economies used taxes or other incentives to promote one industrial
activity or discourage another. Obviously, the most egregious form
of this policy was in planned economies. But many democratic
economies, as they recovered from various wars and other national
traumas, nationalized entire industries. In our society, we never
found that degree of government intervention appropriate, but we
did regulate some business decisions for certain industries, such
as electric power distribution and airlines, attempting to
overcome the "natural monopoly" or "excessive
competition" characteristics perceived in these industries.
Finally, some central banks in
the past engaged in policies that artificially altered the path of
domestic prices in their effort to regulate their business cycles.
If the monetary authority wanted more growth above trend, it
lowered money-market interest rates by expanding the stock of
money. Such policies were expected to bolster demand and encourage
an acceleration of growth. There was the misunderstanding that
somehow a long-run tradeoff existed between inflation and
unemployment. But it gradually became understood that inflation
eroded investor and consumer confidence and distorted behavior,
both because the average of prices gave a constantly depreciating
reading of the values it was supposed to represent and because
relative prices provided an inaccurate reflection of comparative
worth. Monetary policies that intended to create growth through
the inflation of prices ended up impeding markets and reducing
economic prosperity. We now know that there is no long-run
tradeoff between inflation and unemployment. The U.S. experience
of the last several years has also taught us that low and stable
inflation is the underpinning for sustainable growth and that
sustainable growth fosters the maximum creation of jobs over time.
Emergence of the
Communications Era
In recent decades, trade restrictions, "beggar thy
neighbor" policies, and the pursuit of a supposed long-run
tradeoff between inflation and unemployment have all been called
into question and generally rejected. In part because of the
communications revolution and the substantially reduced costs of
transacting from great distances, businesses have sought more
globally integrated production processes, and investors have
required the development of financial instruments to facilitate
their demand for international portfolio diversification. Such
developments have put enormous pressure on policymakers to loosen
their grip or abandon policies that led to the misallocation of
resources. Tariffs have been reduced, and restrictions on the flow
of goods have been eased. Controls on the flow of investment
capital have been eliminated in most industrialized countries, and
they are rapidly coming down in many developing nations as well.
In some cases, these changes were more or less forced upon the
nations that adopted them. But in many instances the policies have
been liberalized because of the realization that markets allocate
resources more effectively than governments.
Trade is flourishing, gaining
great momentum in the ten years since the fall of the Berlin Wall.
Total trade with foreigners now accounts for about one-quarter of
total U.S. national output--more than twice the share of the
period between 1920 and 1970 and the largest trade share for the
U.S. economy in more than a century. Not coincidentally, the
economy has been expanding at a strong and steady rate.
In addition, our economy has
benefited from past actions by the government to deregulate
industries. The removal of unnecessary government regulation
started more than twenty years ago, during the administration of
President Ford, and gathered momentum during the Carter years. It
has altered the business landscape. Deregulation allowed, indeed
forced, businesses to focus more clearly on a marketplace that has
become more competitive, with fewer constraints and increased
flexibility.
If economic policy is to play a
constructive role in building a new world economy, policymakers
must increasingly focus on policies that eliminate barriers to
communication and allow the market to work most efficiently and
effectively. They must develop approaches that do not hinder
"creative destruction" but appropriately cushion its
impact on workers and communities. They can encourage the
information revolution by fostering policies and approaches
conducive to giving investors and consumers the information they
require to make informed decisions. For example, the Federal
Reserve and the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision have
strongly supported initiatives to improve the quality of national
and international disclosure practices. Credible financial
statements and other disclosures are key means for communicating a
company's operating results and its overall health, as well as for
making more transparent various operating activities.
Regarding monetary policy,
central banks around the world are now endeavoring to provide
stability to their domestic price levels. In some cases, this
focus on price stability was undertaken in order to return
credibility to the central bank after a period of unacceptable
inflationary pressures.
The Federal Reserve, with our
mandate, must also seek to facilitate the transmission of the
information that the price level is meant to convey. By
maintaining a stable purchasing power for money, workers and firms
will more clearly see the values being attached to their
opportunities and more effectively make judgments about the
allocation of their resources. This is a monetary policy that does
not attempt to alter the information being transmitted by the
marketplace but to increase its clarity and consistency.
The increased openness of
Federal Reserve decisions--reflected in announcement policies
aimed at more rapid and transparent dissemination of Federal Open
Market Committee decisions--also needs to be appreciated as a way
to facilitate the communication to and within the marketplace in
order to promote the most effective policy possible.
Policies for a Communications
Era--A Local Perspective
This perspective on economic policy extends beyond the
establishment of the national monetary policy that occupies much
of my time. A popular bumper sticker says, "Think Globally,
Act Locally." Good advice. Indeed, this simple maxim
describes one of the great strengths of the Federal Reserve
System. Although many tend to think of the Federal Reserve as a
Washington-centric institution, it is, in fact, a structure of
twelve independent regional Reserve Banks, one of which is just a
few blocks from here, teamed in harness with the Board of
Governors in Washington. Reserve Banks have always had an
important role in channeling regional economic information into
the deliberations of national economic policy. Today, they take
those responsibilities a step further.
In closing, let me give a few
examples of some of the local programs that are conceived in this
spirit. The latest data from the U.S. Census Bureau indicate that
Cleveland and Northeast Ohio lag behind other metropolitan areas
in small business growth. Linked by a desire to improve the
success rate of small business, the Federal Reserve Bank of
Cleveland, the U.S. Small Business Association, and the Greater
Cleveland Growth Association's Council of Smaller Enterprises in
1997 started the Access to Capital Initiative.
The purpose of the initiative
was to narrow the gap between the need for and the availability of
startup and expansion capital in Northeast Ohio. This
collaborative, comprehensive approach to identifying gaps and
barriers to capital access and developing a strategic,
community-based plan to address those deficiencies has led to the
creation of the Access to Capital Network. The network will be an
umbrella organization that will link small and midsize businesses
to the region's provider of capital and business assistance,
primarily through an easy-to-use, interactive software system
available free at its web site.
The Cleveland Reserve Bank has
also worked with community organizations throughout the Fourth
Federal Reserve District to develop resources to promote
microenterprise. Microenterprises are very small businesses of
less than five employees. These businesses can potentially grow
and make greater contributions to the local economy if they can
find the capital to do so and if they have adequate access to the
technical advice that is often provided to them by community-based
organizations. The Cleveland Fed provides technical expertise to
these community-based organizations and helps them establish
partnerships with financial institutions and other community
stakeholders.
These are not policies that hope
to provide preferential access to financial markets, and they are
not directed at particular enterprises. Instead, they are designed
to provide the forums, contacts, and skill sets necessary to form
the relationships that facilitate business growth. More generally,
the Federal Reserve hopes to promote a better understanding among
policymakers, community leaders, and private-sector decisionmakers
about the resources that support successful economic development.
Conclusion
As an economic policymaker, I believe that "Building a
World-Class Economy" isn't at all about trying to manufacture
various economic outcomes. Fortunately, most policymakers have
come to recognize that their role in building world-class
economies is to help develop the infrastructure through which
people communicate. We need to provide the public with the tools
that allow them to judge value accurately and to see opportunities
with the greatest clarity. Economic policy, including monetary
policy, has to be an integral part of the communications
revolution that is sweeping the world. These are the policies
appropriate for our era.