I am pleased that my good friend,
Tom Hoenig, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas
City, invited me to speak to this group on the challenges facing
our rural economy in the twenty-first century. The Kansas City
Reserve Bank has long maintained a special commitment to
monitoring developments in this segment of our society and has
most recently demonstrated that commitment through its creation of
a new research unit, the Center for the Study of Rural America.
The new unit is much appreciated by those of us in Washington who
have always looked to the Reserve Banks to provide in-depth field
coverage of our complex and ever-evolving economy.
Rural America and its
relationship to the broader economy has changed enormously over
time. A century ago, rural towns and villages were isolated by the
high costs of conducting transactions across large distances.
Goods were bulky, transportation poor, and lines of communication
to points outside the local area primitive. About a third of the
American people lived on farms, which at the time were relatively
self-contained economic units that purchased little from outside
and consumed on the farm a good bit of what was produced. Life in
rural areas tended to be stable but not very prosperous. By
today's standards, incomes were low, services minimal, and
opportunities limited.
Technology changed all of that,
as farming and the other resource-based industries in rural areas
were altered by the past century's great waves of invention and
innovation. The rise of the petroleum industry transformed the
energy base of agriculture from that of animal and human labor to
a system driven by gasoline and diesel fuel. Mechanization of
agricultural processes, which had been pushed ahead earlier by the
cotton gin, the steel plow, and the reaper, now was powered by the
tractor, the combine, and a host of other types of farm machinery.
Discoveries in the use of chemicals helped in plant nutrition and
pest control, and the introduction of new crop varieties, such as
hybrid corn, boosted yield potential enormously. Perhaps just as
important, principles of organization and management that had
proved successful in industry were increasingly applied to farming
operations.
Agricultural productivity rose
dramatically as a result of the combined and cumulative effects of
these innovations. Crop yields, in particular, started to surge
about six decades ago, when the effects of a number of innovations
seemed to converge. Apart from fluctuations related to weather,
national average corn yields had been remarkably stable at roughly
25 bushels per acre from the time of the Civil War to around 1940.
But by the latter half of the 1970s, the average yield had
quadrupled, to more than 100 bushels per acre, and it since has
climbed further, to more than 130 bushels. Wheat yields, which had
seldom exceeded 15 bushels per acre in the three-fourths of a
century leading up to World War II, thereafter turned up sharply,
and they have climbed to more than 40 bushels per acre in some
recent years. Yields of other major crops also accelerated.
Overall farm productivity sped up enormously, and its growth since
the second World War has far outstripped the growth in output per
hour in the rest of the economy.
The sharp rise in output per
worker created large excess supplies of agricultural labor and led
to a huge migration of farmers and farm workers from agriculture
to other industries. Similar developments were at work in other
resource-based industries, such as the mining of coal, copper, and
iron. As workers in agriculture and the other primary commodity
industries declined in number, many of the smaller rural villages
and trade centers that had formed when earlier, more
labor-intensive technologies prevailed were no longer viable as
commercial centers. Spatial arrangements in rural areas shifted
toward larger market centers that were farther apart, a move that
was helped along by improvement in transportation technologies and
the development of the modern highway system.
A hundred years ago, no one
could possibly have anticipated the implications for rural America
of the innovations that were emerging. Indeed, if rural citizens
had known only of the dislocations that were in store--the
migration of millions of workers and the eclipse of many small
towns and villages--they would have been deeply incredulous. They
surely could not have anticipated the diversity of modern rural
America, tied to a broader economy through linkages provided by
electricity, highways, and modern communications. Most of all,
those rural citizens of a hundred years ago would likely have been
astounded to realize that, despite all the dislocations, huge
increases in the standard of living would take place not only in
the cities but in rural areas as well. Yet that is what happened.
The fact is that in rural
America as a whole, the nonfarm population and the level of
employment have increased substantially over time, more than
offsetting large declines in farming and the other resource-based
industries. Growth in manufacturing created many new jobs in rural
areas over the decades following World War II, and more recently,
many rural places have become home to service-based industries.
For all counties that are labeled nonmetropolitan by current
definitions, population is about one-fourth larger than it was in
1960, and that does not take into account the very rapid growth in
counties that were rural in 1960 but have since been absorbed into
expanding metropolitan areas. Moreover, although growth of the
present rural areas appeared relatively sluggish in the 1980s,
there is little doubt that it has picked up this past decade.
Rural communities close to the metropolitan areas continue to be
among the faster growing places in our strong economy, but
stronger-than-average growth also has been reported in many other
rural places, especially those with attractive amenities that are
much in demand among today's workers.
For an understanding of how so
much dislocation could take place this past century and the result
still be general improvement in the standard of living, we must
look to the process of creative destruction that guides the
evolution of a free and open market economy. Invention and
innovation are constantly at work to replace the old with the new;
to reduce the costs of materials, labor, time, space, and
overhead; to alter the mix of goods and services or the mix of
jobs; or to shift the locations of economic activity and
populations. And out of this change has come economic advance.
Now we are in the midst of yet
another great wave of invention and innovation, and rural America,
like urban America, is certain to be swept along. Unfortunately,
it is extremely difficult to predict how the comparative advantage
of different industries and regions might ultimately change in
response to broad shifts in technology. History provides ample
reason for us to be cautious in this regard. For instance,
electricity--like the new information technologies--was once
viewed as a potentially decentralizing technology, and in many
respects it was. But in conjunction with innovations that were
taking place at the same time in other industries, such as steel,
electricity also unleashed some forces that were strongly
centralizing. For one thing, it brought increased efficiency to
factories, which by their nature pull together in one location
many economic functions, and the greater factory efficiency
translated into lower costs and expanded markets for the centrally
produced goods. Steel and electricity also combined to produce the
modern urban skyscraper, steel providing the framing to go higher
than in the past and electricity providing the means of elevating
people from the ground to the fiftieth floor.
The central cities that
factories and skyscrapers did so much to create continue to exert
a powerful gravitational force on the economic landscape, even as
manufacturing itself has spread out more broadly. Part of the
gravitational pull of the cities comes from having concentrations
of population that are sufficiently large to support highly
diverse mixes of personal and business services. Moreover, the
computer and the other new technologies are introducing economies
of scale in the ability of firms to process large amounts of
information about their internal operations or the characteristics
of their markets. The lower cost of collecting and processing
information will help businesses that are centrally located to
reach further into rural markets.
But reduction of economic
distance works two ways, and the information technologies that are
bringing increased competition to rural markets are also working
to create new opportunities for the businesses that are located in
rural areas and incentives for those contemplating new rural
business opportunities. One important change that has come with
the new technologies, for example, is an increased capacity for
separating the point at which a service is consumed from the point
at which it is produced. Thus, business locations that might not
have been feasible in the past because of their distance from
central markets are becoming increasingly attractive in light of
the new technologies. That, together with some basic cost
advantages, no doubt helps to explain the recent rapid growth in a
number of rural areas. The standard of living in rural places also
is being enhanced by technological changes that are expanding the
menu of consumption possibilities. Rural citizens are gaining
access to a broader range of goods and services, and the already
existing goods and services are available more expeditiously and
at lower cost. Goods that have been around a long time are
appearing with more options than before, and new goods and
services are continually coming on line. Among the latter are many
electronic products, such as satellite television, that have
helped to counter the remoteness of many rural places. Remote
locations also stand to benefit from innovations such as
telemedicine, whereby expertise that is centrally located can be
effectively transmitted to distant locations. Similar arrangements
presumably are being developed, or considered, for many other
types of services and should add to the quality of life in areas
in which populations are too dispersed to support an indigenous
supply of services.
Agricultural production, of
course, for the foreseeable future will continue to be located in
rural areas that are more distant from the central markets--it
must be that way as long as the population is ultimately dependent
on crops that require huge spaces. But as everyone in this
audience knows, technological change and cost reduction are
greatly altering the position of the farmer in the chain of
production. Many livestock operations have become more like
factories, with increased dependence on flows of information,
tighter control over product quality at all stages of production,
and greater standardization of output. Crop producers are turning
to innovations such as electronic technologies, including those
linked to satellites, to attain greater precision in planting,
irrigation, fertilization, and weed-control. Genetic discoveries
that should raise productive potential for both crops and
livestock are being reported with great frequency.
All of these changes in farming
technology and organization have implications for the size of the
farm population and the structure of rural economies. Most
indications point toward still further reductions in the number of
commercial farms and increases in their size. However, new
technologies also should continue to create profitable
opportunities for smaller farms, as alternative uses for
agricultural products are discovered and developed. Meanwhile,
expansion of agricultural service industries should be a source of
continued economic and employment growth in many rural areas.
The reductions of effective
distance that are coming with the new technologies do not stop at
our nation's borders. Farmers today are highly dependent on
exports to absorb their remarkable productivity, and the ability
to compete internationally depends on lowering unit costs faster
than costs are being lowered by producers in other countries.
Given the institutions that our nation has developed for pushing
agricultural innovation ahead at a rapid pace and spreading
information about new innovations quickly throughout the farm
economy, U.S. producers are well positioned on this score.
However, efforts to increase the openness of foreign markets for
agricultural products will need to be maintained and intensified,
so that the full benefits of farm productivity gain can show
through into increased market opportunity and farm incomes.
Quite apart from the effects of
a changing farm economy, rural towns and villages are likely to
experience, within their local jurisdictions, a good bit of change
in economic structure as a result of the new technologies. Many
small and medium-size towns have seen their local business centers
shift in recent decades from downtown locations to fringe areas
that have an abundance of parking and can accommodate
warehouse-sized outlets. Now, the distributors that have been
successful on the outskirts are facing new challenges from
information technologies that squeeze the costs of distribution
down to bare minimums, effectively bringing the producer and
consumer into closer economic proximity. In response to
competition from new sources, some traditional distributors have
moved quickly to implement electronic linkages that complement
their bricks-and-mortar outlets. Other distributors are lagging
and may ultimately have difficulty competing. With communications
linkages tightening, businesses that are seeking a location in
which a supply of dependable workers is readily available can more
easily gather information about distant rural locations than in
the past, and energetic rural communities with access to the
Internet should find it easier to make themselves known to firms
that are seeking a place.
Like all the previous episodes
of technical advance, the revolution in information technology
already has improved living conditions in numerous ways, and it
will likely bring future benefits to rural communities that we now
can only scarcely imagine. The benefits are perhaps most striking
for those who are fully in tune with the new equipment for
processing information. But the consumer who has never touched a
computer or thought about information technology also is seeing
beneficial effects, in the form of lower prices at the grocery
store or other retail outlet than would otherwise prevail. Through
channels such as these, efficiency gains get diffused widely
throughout our economy, resulting in a broadly based increase in
living standards. Although dislocations are bound to accompany
economic growth, we should not shrink from accepting the changes
that technology will bring but rather should rise to its
challenges and look forward to the great benefits that it can
provide over time to all our people, whether they live in
congested urban areas or in the still-open spaces of rural
America.